Aimee Stephens, a trailblazer in trans rights, passed away in her home this week at the age of 59. 

Together, we sued for discrimination after Aimee was fired from her job for being transgender. When Aimee decided to fight back, she just wanted it to be acknowledged that what happened to her was wrong. She ended up making history by bringing the Supreme Court its first trans civil rights case. Aimee died before the Court issued a decision on her case, but the fight for trans rights continues in her honor.

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https://twitter.com/TransEquality/statuses/1260283036970758144

Aimee Stephens never set out to be a hero, but she is one, and she continues to be an inspiration to millions around the world. We all owe her a debt of gratitude for her commitment to justice for all people, and her dedication to the trans community. 

Date

Wednesday, May 13, 2020 - 11:45am

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One recent Friday night, President Trump quietly nominated a replacement inspector general (IG) for the Department of Health and Human Services (HHS). But this was no ordinary nomination. If confirmed by the Senate, it will force out the acting IG after her office released a survey of hospitals that, to Trump’s vocal displeasure, underscored his administration’s botched handling of the COVID-19 pandemic.
 
The ouster is also only the latest in a series of troubling actions by the president against the nation’s inspectors general, including firing Michael Atkinson, the inspector general of the intelligence community, and demoting the Pentagon’s acting inspector general, which then made him ineligible to serve on the newly-created Pandemic Response Accountability Committee. The new HHS IG nomination itself came amid a top HHS official’s statement that the Trump administration demoted him for refusing to support the president’s promotion of scientifically unproven treatments for the novel coronavirus. The official has now filed a retaliation complaint seeking an investigation by the HHS IG.
 
This personnel chaos, together with news reports of a broader scheme by the president to purge more IGs, has sparked reminders from leaders across the political spectrum about the crucial role of inspectors general in countering waste, fraud, and abuse in the federal government. But the damage from Trump’s moves won’t be limited to more public dollars lost to corruption and graft. It also endangers our civil liberties.
 
As background, inspectors general are nonpartisan watchdog officials who investigate and offer recommendations to correct incompetence, misconduct, and violations of law within the agency they serve, in addition to ensuring honest financial and administrative management. Most federal IGs are required by law to keep both their agency and Congress fully apprised of “serious problems, abuses, and deficiencies” in the federal programs and operations they oversee. As Republican senators and Democratic committee chairs explained in their reactions to Trump’s personnel maneuvers, Congress depends on IGs to do its own job. They are a vital mechanism for ensuring integrity and accountability in the federal government.
 
That’s why over the years, the ACLU has called on IGs across federal agencies to investigate government actions with harmful impact on civil liberties and rights, such as the Justice Department’s involvement in warrantless spying on Americans. And when IGs reveal government wrongdoing or ineptitude, we demand reforms — like when an IG exposed Immigration and Customs Enforcement failures that jeopardize the health and safety of people detained in its custody, and when another IG found that the FBI’s investigative practices lacked even basic civil liberties safeguards.
 
Independence is pivotal to an inspector general’s success and effectiveness. And that’s precisely why the president’s actions are so alarming. The common thread in his machinations against IGs is his hostility toward independent oversight of his administration, especially by those he deems insufficiently loyal to his personal interests.
 
Atkinson’s example is notably illustrative because he had disclosed to Congress, in accordance with the law and to Trump’s dismay, a whistleblower report that detailed the president’s abuses of power in the Ukraine military aid scandal. As the president complained, that act of fulfilling his duty showed Atkinson was “not a Trump fan.” The resulting message from the president is painfully obvious: Act like a “Trump fan” — or else. And as the former Republican chair of the House Oversight Committee warned, “Inspectors General can’t be effective if they believe looking for waste and abuse could cost them their job.”
 
Over the longer term, Trump’s attacks against oversight threaten democratic accountability by weakening a systemic safeguard that is meant to expose injustices by those wielding government power. A president who declares both that he has “total authority” and that “I don’t take responsibility at all” for his decisions cannot be trusted when he claims “I’ll be the oversight” on anything.
 
The assault on IGs also poses a more immediate threat by undermining oversight of the federal pandemic response, which is beset by problems like the dire shortages of medical supplies highlighted by the acting HHS IG and the tendency of the Trump administration’s political leadership to hide key facts and figures from the public. The Justice Department IG has announced an investigation of another problem, that of federal prisons predictably emerging as deadly hotspots — and this investigation will be conducted under the cloud of a retaliation threat.
 
All hope is not lost, however. As a start, Congress should shore up the legal framework governing IGs with safeguards against presidents firing IGs based on a whim. It should also add stronger protections for those who blow the whistle about wrongdoing, waste, or other abuse to IGs.
 
Thankfully, the country’s IG system has long enjoyed widespread, bipartisan support from lawmakers, including those who recognize the broader need for more robust checks and balances, regardless of who is president. If there’s ever a time to activate that bipartisan support to spur concrete legislative action, it’s now.

Kate Oh, Policy Counsel, ACLU National Political Advocacy Department

Date

Tuesday, May 12, 2020 - 4:30pm

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Lauren Kuhlik, Equal Justice Works Fellow, ACLU National Prison Project

Dr. Carolyn Sufrin, OBGYN and Anthropologist at Johns Hopkins School of Medicine , Johns Hopkins School of Medicine

This piece was first published on USA Today.

Andrea Circle Bear was 30 years old and had only recently given birth when she died of COVID-19. Circle Bear was incarcerated for a drug-related charge at the time of her death. She spent the final weeks of her pregnancy in a local jail and then a federal prison, spaces that are known hotbeds for virus transmission — and it’s likely in one of these places that she contracted the virus. She shared the planet with her baby for only 28 days before she passed. 

While much attention has rightly been given to the risks of COVID-19 in prisons, jails, and detention centers, the risks to pregnant and postpartum women like Circle Bear have largely been overlooked. Pregnancy alone does not appear to be a risk factor for severe illness from COVID-19, but the data is clear that incarceration compounds the dangers associated with pregnancy. They are much more likely to get infected in prison or jail than in the community.

People who are incarcerated also have higher rates of underlying medical conditions —as Circle Bear did — that put them at increased risk of severe COVID-19 illness. Some suggest that people in prisons or jails who have symptoms of COVID-19, including those who are pregnant, be placed in solitary confinement as a form of quarantine. But solitary confinement can be especially damaging to prison or jail populations that are pregnant  or have recently given birth because it can limit access to timely, adequate medical care.

During this time of rampant coronavirus spread and attempts at social distancing to avoid infection, it’s imperative that pregnant populations are prioritized for release and diversion from prisons, jails and detention centers. 

The situation is dire.

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A new study estimates that at least 72% of people held in immigration detention centers are likely to get infected within the next 90 days. And the danger in jails and prisons is equally serious: Prisons that have conducted universal testing have found that an overwhelming number of the people they incarcerated are positive for COVID-19. One model estimates that 100,000 more people could die from COVID-19 than current estimates indicate if jail populations are not immediately and dramatically reduced.

recent study that I conducted as a doctor and Johns Hopkins OBGYN researcher estimated that from 2016 to 2017, there were nearly 3,000 admissions of pregnant women to U.S. prisons and 55,000 to jails. Thousands are at risk for contracting COVID in custody and exposing their babies to danger.  

As a physician and an attorney who work with populations that are pregnant and incarcerated, we have seen dangerous variability in their care. There is a dearth of protections for them, leaving many vulnerable to inadequate medical care and abuse: loss of reproductive choices, shackling during childbirth and solitary confinement, as well as the inevitable separation from their newborns.

The COVID-19 pandemic is terrifying for anyone who is pregnant. Those who are incarcerated are wrestling with the added COVID risks of their environment, such as close quarters, lack of adequate cleaning and limited protective equipment. These fears only exacerbate the existing dangers and stressors of being pregnant while incarcerated. Pregnancy, incarceration and COVID are a recipe for both increased medical risks and psychological trauma.

Having coronavirus also may mean being separated from newborns at the hospital. This would be a difficult experience for any new parent, but it is particularly devastating and harmful for those who are incarcerated because they are quickly sent back to the prison or jail, unable to see or hold their infants. And since prisons and jails have suspended visitations as a COVID prevention measure, the few opportunities new parents might have had for contact visits are gone. These traumatic separations interfere with their ability to bond with their children and cause severe emotional harm — for both the parent and the child. 

Advocates and officials have made tremendous and rapid strides in depopulating prisons and jails, often focusing on releasing those who are medically vulnerable to COVID-19. We have seen success in some places. In North Carolina, more than a dozen pregnant women were moved out of prison last month. But more efforts are needed. 

The situation for pregnant populations in our nation’s jails, prisons and detention centers has long been serious. But with COVID-19, it is now an emergency.

Circle Bear’s child should never have been left motherless, and she should not have had to face the dangers of incarceration, where she contracted COVID-19.

We must and we can prevent such senseless suffering. 
 
Lauren Kuhlik is an Equal Justice Works fellow at the ACLU National Prison Project.

Dr. Carolyn Sufrin is an OBGYN and anthropologist at Johns Hopkins School of Medicine and the author of “Jailcare: Finding the Safety Net for Women Behind Bars.” 

Date

Tuesday, May 12, 2020 - 10:45am

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