COVID-19 has heightened awareness about the importance of easy, equitable voting access. While many of the struggles facing election administrators during this public health crisis seem unprecedented, they each represent an opportunity to refine local policies and practices to ensure every Floridian has the opportunity to vote – and to have that vote count.

As Floridians, like the rest of the world, navigate living and working during a pandemic, a risk to our democracy has emerged – how will we vote?

In answering this dilemma, it is useful to ask, how have we voted? The reality is that voting access in Florida has long been inconsistent and inequitable. How easy it is to vote, and have your vote counted, has depended on your age, your race, where you live and how much free time you have. These factors will be exacerbated by the current public health crisis.

These inequities are not consistent with our core values, or with protection of the fundamental right to vote; every eligible American should have access to the ballot. Many of the solutions to improve voting access are not only possible in the current crisis – they are necessary.

As such, this report offers insight for supervisors of elections and their staff as they navigate administering elections in a public health crisis. It highlights where others can assist. For voters who want to push their local election officials to do the right thing, guides and one-page summaries are included.

This report presents background information and policy recommendations for establishing four pillars of equitable voting access: reliable and fair vote by mail, early voting access, equity in polling locations and access for all:

Fair & Inclusive Vote by Mail

Early Voting Access

Equity in Polling Locations

Ensure Access to All

Local Voting Rights Advocacy 101

Date

Thursday, April 23, 2020 - 12:00pm

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On Monday, I ended a 12-hour day returning emails to incarcerated queer folks, providing direct aid for housing to folks living with HIV & AIDS who have been incarcerated and challenging the state of Nebraska to provide humane conditions for incarcerated individuals and decided to mindlessly scroll on Twitter.
 
I found the quote from the show Ellen DeGeneres filmed from her multimillion-dollar, multi-room mansion: “One thing that I’ve learned from being in quarantine is that people — this is like being in jail, is what it is,” she said. “It’s mostly because I’ve been wearing the same clothes for 10 days and everyone in here is gay.”
 
What Ellen is experiencing, as well as what many people around the country are experiencing, is nothing like jail. You have choice. You can actually social distance. I assume you were not only allowed to shower that day, you could shower for more than 10 minutes and likely as many times as you like.
 
This is not at all what incarcerated people who have been locked down as a protective measure in institutions all across America are experiencing. The protective measures inside jails and prisons that many incarcerated individuals are now experiencing bear a striking resemblance to solitary confinement.
 
When you are in solitary, your partner is not there with you. You are not calling or FaceTiming your mother as many times as you like.
 
At Black & Pink, which seeks to liberate LGBTQIA2S+ people and people living with HIV who are affected by the criminal justice system, we are currently fighting for access to mail and phone calls for people all across the county. The cost of contacting a loved one is extremely expensive. A video call using the JPay system currently costs $1.25 for a 30 second video.
 
Incarcerated people are filing lawsuits for access to toilet paper and soap. Those of us who have been incarcerated have always viewed these items as high-demand. For us, this is not new.
 
Here’s my message to Ellen:

https://twitter.com/dm56892/statuses/1247693758801555456

https://twitter.com/MikeSington/statuses/1247228264017346561

I assume if you wanted you could be tested for COVID-19 immediately. On the inside, we are fighting privatized health systems where a Tylenol is $5.00 and testing incarcerated people for COVID-19 is a dream that will not only be deferred, but most likely denied.
 
Being queer in prison isn’t sitting on your outdoor furniture in your finest silk. For myself and the people we serve at Black and Pink it’s about keeping ourselves safe. The peace I witnessed on your face is an experience that queer people inside rarely have access to — especially in the midst of a pandemic.
 
The queer and transgender youth that come on your show and dance and sing? Youth just like them are inside of youth detention centers all over this country, wondering when they will be able to go home.
 
On any average day, prisons and jails in this country are the epicenter of the deterioration of humanity. In a time of crisis or pandemic it’s ten times worse.
 
I have a firm belief that empathy should be the tool we reach for first – especially at times like these. If you want to know what it’s like to be inside of jail and prisons, Ellen — give me a call. Not on Zoom though. I’m Zoomed out.
 
Dominique Morgan (They/Them) is executive director of Black and Pink, Inc.

Date

Thursday, April 9, 2020 - 5:45pm

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Imagine a day in the future when everyone, from the moment they step outside their home, has to live with the knowledge that their every movement is being recorded by powerful cameras circling in the skies above. Not just where they work, shop, eat and drink, and whose homes they visit, but details about their political, religious, sexual, and medical lives — all captured and stored in databases without a warrant and available to law enforcement upon request.
 
That day is here.
 
The city of Baltimore is about to deploy a new program that, if allowed to move forward, would do just that. It would be the most significant new surveillance system to be deployed in the U.S. in decades, and it would fundamentally change what it feels like to venture out in public in this country. It also violates our constitutional rights to freedom of association and privacy, and — on behalf of a group of Baltimore community activists — we are suing to stop it today.
 
The technology is called wide-area aerial surveillance. It involves stationing an aircraft equipped with ultra-high-resolution cameras over a city to continuously track all visible pedestrians and vehicles within that city. Currently, the technology can cover a 32-square mile area, though better cameras are just an upgrade away. It was originally developed by the military for monitoring overseas battlefields in Iraq and Afghanistan in a program called “Gorgon Stare.” Now, a company called “Persistent Surveillance Systems,” founded by a colonel who worked on that program, wants to turn this mega-powerful “eye in the sky” inward onto American cities.
 
Although this company has been pitching American cities for years, no police department until now has been willing to embrace this truly dystopian technology. The term “Big Brother” is bandied about a lot these days, but rarely has a technology lived up to the term so well.
 
It’s no coincidence, of course, that this program is being unveiled in Baltimore, a city that’s more than 60 percent African American. Black and Brown communities in the U.S. are always first in line to come under surveillance by new technologies. Baltimore in particular has a terrible history of racism and a lack of accountability for abuses by police that makes it an especially problematic place to deploy this technology. In fact, the city is currently under a federal consent decree for routinely violating people’s constitutional rights.
 
Also quick to come under surveillance are those who seek to exercise their rights to demand change: political activists, protesters, and dissidents of all kinds. This includes our plaintiffs: Leaders of a Beautiful Struggle, a grassroots think-tank that advances the public policy interests of Black people in Baltimore, Erricka Bridgeford, co-founder of the Baltimore Ceasefire 365 project to end gun violence in the city, and Kevin James, a community organizer and hip-hop musician. Unfortunately, this country has a long history — continuing to the present day — of law enforcement using surveillance technology against people not because they are suspected of committing a crime, but because of their beliefs. In Baltimore, that has meant the targeting of Black Lives Matter protesters, who have been subjected to sweeping surveillance, including aerial surveillance.
 
If this program moves forward in Baltimore, we can expect it to quickly spread to other cities with large Black and Brown populations and histories of racial bias. But nobody in America should think that they’ll be able to evade this technology. If it moves forward in Baltimore, we can expect police departments around the country to start adopting it. Eventually, when drones are able to fly freely over our cities, making this kind of constant surveillance cheap and automatic, it wouldn’t be surprising if much of the country ends up covered.
 
Persistent Surveillance Systems is a tiny company, but if it succeeds in winning acceptance for its trial pilot program in Baltimore, there are much bigger companies waiting in the wings — companies that already advertise wide-area surveillance devices and would no doubt love for a domestic market to open up. These are companies that could put much more powerful technology overhead, including automated AI analysis, multi-spectral imaging, and night vision capabilities, not to mention much higher camera resolutions.
 
We are filing a lawsuit in the hopes of stopping this train. Based on ample precedent — including a landmark 2018 case that the ACLU won in the Supreme Court, Carpenter v. United States — we argue that tracking individuals in the way that this technology does is something the government cannot do without a warrant. There is no doubt, we argue, that people’s long-term physical movements, even in public places, enjoy constitutional protection.
 
The government certainly can’t track everyone in a city, because even with a warrant, that would violate the Constitution’s ban on “general warrants” — the kind of broad, non-individualized authorization to carry out searches that angered the Founders so much. If the Baltimore police want to track a citizen over wide areas and extended periods of time, they have to seek a warrant specific to that person. They don’t get to fill a data warehouse with records of everyone’s movements, which they can then pluck at will without asking a judge. In this respect, Baltimore’s plan echoes the National Security’s Agency’s secret seven-year collection of Americans’ telephone records — which was found to be unlawful in another ACLU lawsuit, ACLU v. Clapper.
 
Finally, we argue that this system violates not just the Fourth Amendment’s prohibition against “unreasonable searches,” but also the First Amendment’s protection of the right of assembly. As the Supreme Court has found, overbroad searches will have an “inevitable chilling effect” on constitutionally protected activity like protests and marches.
 
The Supreme Court has repeatedly made clear that, when faced with new technologies, it views the courts’ role as protecting the “degree of privacy against government that existed when the Fourth Amendment was adopted.” If the Founders could see what today’s police would like to do, they would be horrified — as should be every American today.

Jay Stanley, Senior Policy Analyst, ACLU Speech, Privacy, and Technology Project

Date

Thursday, April 9, 2020 - 1:45pm

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