The requirement that only men — but not women — register for the draft is one of the last examples of overt sex discrimination written into our federal law. Today, we joined two young men and the National Coalition For Men (NCFM) to urge the U.S. Supreme Court to put an end to it.
 
Under the 1948 Military Selective Service Act, men in this country are required to mark their 18th birthdays by registering for the Selective Service System, the list of people who could be called up for military service if the government authorized a draft. Although there hasn’t been a draft since 1973, young men are still required to register or they may face severe penalties.
 
As long as the government requires young people to register for the draft, requiring men but not women to do so is sex discrimination. That’s why we’re asking the Supreme Court to declare men-only registration unconstitutional.
 
The ACLU joined two young men and the NCFM, who initially brought a challenge to men-only registration in 2013, to help bring their case to the Supreme Court. Representing an organization called the “National Coalition For Men” may seem like an unlikely way to advance women’s rights, and to be clear, the ACLU firmly opposes some of NCFM’s positions and activities. In this case, however, we share the common goal of ending an antiquated federal law that harms both men and women. And if the Supreme Court agrees, it could be one of the most significant constitutional advances in sex discrimination law in 25 years.

Like many laws that appear to benefit women, men-only registration actually impedes women’s full participation in civic life. Limiting registration to men sends a message that women are unqualified to serve in the military, regardless of individual capabilities and preferences. It reflects an outmoded view that, in the event of a draft, women’s primary duty would be to the home front — and, on the flip side, that men are unqualified to be caregivers. The Military Selective Service Act not only perpetuates these stereotypes, it enshrines them in federal law.
 
Limiting draft registration to men also devalues the contributions of women who serve in the military. That’s why military women’s organizations like the Service Women’s Action Network support extending registration to women. National experts agree: A congressional commission formed to study the Selective Service System recommended that Congress update the Military Selective Service Act to allow women to be registered, too, and the Department of Defense has advised Congress that doing so would promote military preparedness — as well as fairness.
 
But, to be clear, this case isn’t about whether women should ultimately be required to register alongside men. If the Supreme Court declares men-only registration unconstitutional, it would be up to Congress to choose an appropriate path by extending registration to everyone regardless of gender or eliminating registration for anyone. What Congress may not do is design a registration system that discriminates on the basis of sex.
 
Men-only registration was first challenged more than 40 years ago, when several young people — represented by the ACLU — asked the Supreme Court to strike the Military Selective Service Act as unconstitutional sex discrimination. But the Supreme Court upheld the law in Rostker v. Goldberg. The Supreme Court reasoned that Congress could choose to require only men to register since the draft was aimed at replacing combat troops, and military women at that time were categorically ineligible to serve in combat roles. In other words, instead of examining whether the ban on women in combat was itself discriminatory, the court relied on one form of sex discrimination to justify another — and let both forms of discrimination stand. 
 
In 2012, the ACLU filed a lawsuit challenging the ban on women in combat, one of two cases that led the Department of Defense to lift the ban. Now that women are eligible to serve in combat roles, the sole justification for men-only registration has evaporated into thin air. It’s time for the Supreme Court to revisit — and overturn — its previous decision and end this antiquated law.
 
Justice Thurgood Marshall, the first civil rights lawyer to sit on the Supreme Court bench, called men-only registration “one of the most potent remaining expressions of ancient canards about the proper role of women.” That was in 1981. It’s long past time for the Supreme Court to call men-only registration what it is: unlawful sex discrimination.

We generate droves of personal data every time we use the apps on our phones, make a call, or make an online purchase. While we might hope that our data is kept private, hidden away from people or entities that may want to surveil our usage or capitalize on these private choices, it often isn’t.

In November, news reports revealed that the federal government had purchased location data mined from apps used by Muslims. One of those apps is Muslim Pro, a GPS-reliant app that signals prayer times to its users, which has been downloaded by millions. It’s not yet clear exactly how the data is being used, but many users of the app have already reported deleting it to avoid being surveilled.

“I think I was both shocked and not surprised at the same time,” NowThis journalist Aliya Karim told At Liberty of the moment she learned about the data sale. “Shocked because something as personal as a prayer app kind of felt like it should have been safe from this type of intrusion. But then on the other hand, I wasn’t surprised because it feels like we Muslims are being watched by the government all the time anyway.”

Karim joined At Liberty alongside Tarek Ismail, a senior staff attorney at the CUNY School of Law’s Creating Law Enforcement Accountability and Responsibility (CLEAR) Project. Listen as they discuss the repercussions of this breach of privacy, and what steps organizations like CLEAR and the ACLU are taking to keep private data safe and hold the government accountable.

For Muslims, Even Prayers Aren't Private

For Muslims, Even Prayers Aren't Private

We generate droves of personal data every time we use the apps on our phones, make a call, make an online purchase. We all hope that data is kept private, hidden away from people or entities that might want to surveil us, but sometimes it isn’t.

We generate droves of personal data every time we use the apps on our phones, make a call, make an online purchase. We all hope that data is kept private, hidden away from people or entities that might want to surveil us, but sometimes it isn’t.

Listen to this episode

An earlier version of this blog appeared in The Hill.

This year marks 50 years since President Richard Nixon declared drugs “public enemy number one,” launching a war on drugs that has pumped hundreds of billions of dollars into law enforcement, led to the incarceration of millions of people — disproportionately Black — and has done nothing to prevent drug overdoses.
 
As President-elect Joe Biden and Vice President-elect Kamala Harris prepare to take office, they have an opportunity to begin to put an end to this failed war. And it is abundantly clear that they have a mandate from the electorate to tackle this issue.
 
Today there are more than 1.35 million arrests per year for drug possession, with 500,000 arrests for marijuana alone. Every 25 seconds a person is arrested for possessing drugs for personal use, and on average, a Black person is 3.64 times more likely to be arrested for marijuana possession than a white person, even though Black and white people use marijuana at similar rates. At least 130,000 people are behind bars in the U.S. for drug possession.
 
While tens of billions of dollars are spent each year to prosecute this war, more than 70,000 people still die of drug overdoses. Deaths from heroin overdose in the United States rose 500 percent from 2001 to 2014. Overall deaths from drug overdoses remain higher than the peak yearly death totals ever recorded for car accidents or guns.
 
The war on drugs has failed, and Americans on the right and left are ready for it to end. These views were on display at the ballot box in 2020, when voters across the country approved every ballot measure on scaling back the war on drugs. From Arizona, Oregon, and Montana to South Dakota, New Jersey, and Washington D.C., Americans turned out in droves to say that it’s time to stop criminalizing drug use.
 
The effort in Oregon, led by the Drug Policy Alliance and supported by the ACLU, was the most groundbreaking. This ballot measure decriminalized the possession of drugs for personal use, funding drug addiction treatment and recovery programs with the savings and tax revenue from marijuana legalization. Measure 110 will prevent more than 3,000 arrests a year for drugs such as heroin, cocaine, and methamphetamines. Oregon is now the first state in the nation to decriminalize all drugs, laying the foundation for reorienting the government’s response to drugs to a public health approach rather than a criminal law one.
 
Other states also showed that drug law reform is a winning issue on both sides of the aisle. Arizona, Montana, New Jersey, and South Dakota all legalized marijuana, joining 11 other states and Washington D.C. South Dakota, where Trump received 62 percent of the vote, showed that legalizing marijuana is a bipartisan issue, as did Montana, which elected Republicans to every major office in the state, while also voting to legalize marijuana.
 
Then in December, Congress delivered two victories, joining states in the movement for reform. On Dec. 4, the House of Representatives passed the most comprehensive marijuana reform legislation in Congress, the Marijuana Opportunity Reinvestment and Expungement (MORE) Act (H.R. 3884; S. 2227), which decriminalizes marijuana by removing it from the list of scheduled substances, expunges past convictions and arrests, and taxes marijuana to reinvest in communities targeted by the war on drugs. Sen. Harris is the primary sponsor of the MORE Act, but its fate in the Senate is uncertain despite bipartisan support. Then on Dec. 21, Congress passed a COVID-19 stimulus package that included repealing the prohibition on students with drug convictions from receiving federal financial aid, helping thousands of students get an education.
 
With resounding victories in red and blue states, President-elect Biden and Vice President-elect Harris now have a clear decree from voters. Here are the five things they can do to begin ending the war on drugs.
 
First, President Biden should issue an executive order within his first 100 days declaring an end to the war on drugs and directing his federal prosecutors and law enforcement to use their discretion to stop prosecuting the war on drugs. Thousands of people are prosecuted in federal court for drug possession and prosecutors have failed to adequately use their discretion to decline these cases, let alone to not seek incarceration as sentence. This must end. An executive order by President Biden should also incentivize states to end the war on drugs, where the large majority of incarceration for drugs takes place.
 
Second, President Biden should commute the sentences of people currently incarcerated for the war on drugs, and pardon people living with the consequences of this failed war. Candidate Biden committed to “reform[ing] the criminal justice system so that no one is incarcerated for drug use alone.” This is his chance to follow through on this promise by at the very least commuting sentences and pardoning people who fall under this category. That would be a good start.
 
Third, President Biden should direct federal funds to pilot new depenalization approaches to drug-related issues, as recently recommended in a report issued by the FXB Center for Health and Human Rights at Harvard University. This should include overdose prevention centers, where people can use illicit substances while under medical supervision and can access various treatments and referral services. Such models have existed for many years in countries such as Canada, Germany, and Denmark, and have reduced the likelihood of overdoses.
 
Fourth, President Biden should direct the Department of Justice to withdraw from litigation challenging overdose prevention centers that have been approved at the local level. As cities across the nation attempted to address record number of fatal overdoses, the Trump administration cracked down on cities and challenged them in court. President Biden should reverse this policy and refrain from filing new lawsuits.
 
Finally, the Biden administration should work with Congress to pass legislation such as the MORE Act. Polling has consistently shown that marijuana legalization is a bipartisan issue. Five Republicans voted for the MORE Act in the House. A Biden-Harris administration should use their influence to convince Republicans in the Senate to support the MORE Act.
 
Today, policymakers and the public alike are increasingly adopting approaches that treat substance use as a public health issue rather than a criminal justice one. This recognition is bipartisan, as the war on drugs has not differentiated between blue states and red states, and the public understands the importance of addressing addiction through public health measures. The Biden-Harris administration can begin healing our nation by moving decisively on this issue and beginning to repair the harm caused by 50 years of this failed war.